“Explaining Deadlock”
By: J. Hunter
Two weeks ago, I engaged in
another knock-down, drag-out debate with my liberal parents. (As a bit of
advice to my fellow conservatives who feel the need to engage with liberals,
make it a point to learn as much about as many issues as possible—liberals have
a tendency to change the subject when their talking points crumble under the
weight of reason.) Accordingly, my parents and I argued about the Occupy Wall
Street movement, Herman Cain, public employee unions and the role of
government. I found much of what they said to be disturbing, but nothing was
more bewildering than their simple proclamation that they were angry about
Congressional deadlock. My mother’s face was red and glistening with sweat as
she struggled with her grown son with the same intensity as she did when she
delivered me as a tiny rebellious baby.
![]() |
| Arguing (pic1) |
“We didn’t send Congress to
Washington to do nothing,” she yelled. “They need to stop talking and act! We’re
sick of the arguing and debating! Just do something!”
My father seconded her, and I
couldn’t help rolling my eyes and being overdramatic.
I threw my hands and face skyward
as if pleading to God and exclaimed, “I’ve been blown away by your
simple-minded arguments, but that is the most juvenile thing you two have said
all day!” (I’m straddling The Fifth Commandment, here.) I made my case, but to
no avail—my father tilted his head like a puppy does when it encounters
something for the first time. My mother stared at me blankly, and their
expressions worried me. Considering that they are liberal, and that there is a correlation
between the amount of television one watches and political leaning, where
liberalism correlates with higher television consumption than conservatism,
their confusion made a little bit of sense.[1]
When you consume mass media—especially
television media—you hear a lot of half-baked ideas bandied about between
commercial breaks. There is no debate. There is no explanation of ideas, and as
a result, consumers walk around with sentence fragments, slogans, talking
points, non-sequiturs and random images floating around in their head. They
constantly hear that the current Congressional deadlock is unprecedented, not
that it is inevitable—or even preferable. I took this opportunity to clarify
what I believed to be a no brainer.
This is how I began to explain
the deadlock to my parents:
Republicans vs. Democrats
![]() |
| Republicans v. Democrats (pic2) |
Congress is divided between the
Democrats and the Republicans such that neither side can enact policies unimpeded.
To make matters worse, the two parties are diametrically opposed. Republicans
believe that government engages in too many activities that are best left to
localities and individual citizens. We believe that when government interjects,
it makes matters worse and at a high fiscal cost. Democrats, on the other hand,
believe that government intervention and manipulation ensures fairness and is
the best way to care for vulnerable citizens. These views are difficult to
reconcile, but the most recent elections made the gulf even more unbridgeable.
The Democrats who survived the
2010 elections were those who represented safely liberal districts—that means
that they were rewarded for holding fast to their ideological viewpoints. On
the other hand, the populist conservative movement known as the Tea Party,
swept in Republicans who were more committed to conservative ideology than were
past Republican politicians. In fact, moderate Republicans were jettisoned for
more conservative Republicans. The result is a Congress full of ideological
purists—deadlock.
Advocates vs. Arguers
Because Congress contains more
lawyers than businessmen, doctors or other professionals, there is more
deadlock than usual. That is because lawyers, by trade, are advocates, not
arguers. Advocacy and argumentation differ in one very important way—true argumentation
is an activity meant to persuade in light of all known facts. Arguers engage
with each other readily accepting that their arguments may be defeated and that
they may walk away believing something that they did not before the argument
began. This attitude is conducive to problem solving and negotiation.
Advocates, on the other hand, are concerned only with convincing the
unconvinced that their cause is just. They may do so by suppressing
contradictions in their stance or by minimizing evidence that weakens their
position. Lawyers, professional advocates, earn a living promoting narratives that
they may not actually believe themselves. (Just think of criminal defense
attorneys who employ advocates’ tactics to let guilty men free, and justify
their efforts as necessary to defending an individual’s rights, not actions.) Lawyers are known to advance the supremacy of one
set of principles in one case and an opposing set in another. They, as
advocates, walk into negotiations with a viewpoint that they must uphold at all
costs. In short, advocates cannot negotiate. They can only engage in deadlock.
Push Media vs. Pull Media
![]() |
| Push v. Pull (pic3) |
Finally, before we place all of
the blame on our elected representatives, we must examine the stimuli that
inform us before we call our congressmen and insist that they take one position
or another—media consumption. Push media refers to the media that existed
before the explosion of multiple cable channels, back when the television
stations would simply turn off at a certain time of night, before the internet,
blogs and 24-hour news sites. In the era of push media, virtually every
American was force-fed one viewpoint unless he ventured off the beaten path to
find an alternative. The obvious downside to this reality is that certain
assumptions can be fostered by limiting public exposure to debate; indoctrination,
propaganda.
Today, with news available at all
times of the day in many manifestations, with a conservative media that
flourishes alongside a liberal one, with blogs that advocate one viewpoint over
another, consumers can choose what news they wish to internalize. This is
called pull media. The advantage to pull media is that there are more avenues
for consumers to receive messages tailored to their interests, and there are
more sources that can help safeguard against indoctrination. The downside is
the proliferation of media echo-chambers—Republicans choose to consume a steady
diet of republicanism and Democrats, a steady diet of liberalism—never the
twain shall meet. In one sense, it is self-indoctrination.
When we exist in these echo
chambers and call our congressmen, and participate in polls, and threaten
politicians with our vote, we may be doing so from a position of hardened
ideology. To save their jobs, politicians respond to our stimuli and thusly,
justify adherence to rigid ideologies. The result—deadlock.
This concept could not have been more plain to me. Why do we decry, instead of expect, governmental deadlock? Despite my explanation,
my parents were not convinced. They looked at me with those aforementioned blank
stares and simply shrugged as if I were speaking Yoruba. In a last ditch
effort, I decided to pull out the sock puppets:
![]() |
| Sifl and Olly (pic4) |
“Mom,” I said, “one man calls for
hanging all black people and another argues against it. You are saying that the
two should simply stop arguing and just act. What exactly should they do? Isn’t
their deadlock understandable?”
My provocative, silly, example
got her attention, but she still feigned ignorance. (I’d like to believe that
she was feigning.) In the end, she simply waved her hands at me dismissively. I
left, pretending not to be utterly annoyed at allowing myself to be dragged
into another argument where we simply yell at each other like kids.
On the car ride home, I replayed
the conversation in my head—as I often do whenever I debate. Why couldn’t I
convince them? What could I have offered that would have been more compelling? Why
the deadlock?
It wasn’t long before I found the
answer in my own example: my parents were not arguing with me, they were acting
as advocates for the Democratic Party and as ideologically committed liberals. Considering
that I represent, to them, the embodiment of political evil—a happy, active,
erudite, shameless conservative—they were also advocating on behalf of their
own egos. I could not have convinced them with a burning bush. Besides that, my
parents consume a heavy regiment of MSNBC virtually all day long (they’re
retired), whereas I read the New York Times and other liberal media in
preparation for writing a blog piece each week. Deadlock was more than likely—it
was inevitable.
[1] http://hotlineoncall.nationaljournal.com/archives/2010/03/sports_viewers.php
Photo Sources: Pic1 from http://blog.self-improvement-saga.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/02/communication-skills.jpg; Pic2 from http://www.squidoo.com/my-teams-better; Pic3 from http://liveinaustin.files.wordpress.com/2011/05/push-pull.jpg; Pic4 from http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/thumb/8/86/Sifl_and_olly.jpg/250px-Sifl_and_olly.jpg




3 comments:
Your post seems like a great illustration of the difference between advocacy and argument. Most Democrats believe that congressional deadlock (in this current Congress) exists, not because of a divide in core convictions, but because the Republicans don't want to take actions that would be likely to substantially improve the national economy in advance of the 2012 elections. A conservative acting as an advocate for his side would not address this (fairly wide-spread) belief. A conservative intending to engage in argument would.
http://blkandred.blogspot.com/2011/11/free-exchange.html
Responding to:
"Thank you for commenting Anonymous,
You are right to claim that most Democrats believe that Congressional deadlock is the result of Republican recalcitrance, in fact, I actually agree—in part. Where you and I may disagree pertains to policy analysis. You believe that the policies that the Democrats are proposing are “likely to substantially improve the national economy.” I, the Republicans and millions of American voters, firmly disagree. We believe that President Obama’s Jobs Bill, for example, will actually make America’s matters worse. For this reason, the Republicans are staunching efforts the Democrats are making that will (in our view) detriment the American economy.
Here is where I disagree with the Democrats: to pretend that the Republicans are refusing to cooperate for reasons other than core convictions, is to ascribe a motive that is not only impossible to prove, but is also not supported by the evidence. Republicans have always resisted the kind of federal spending and regulation that President Obama and the Democrats support. Even when they strayed from fiscal responsibility during the Bush years, you could find Republicans who were openly displeased.
Moreover, when an election is as seismic as the 2010 election, or the 2006 and 2008 elections, the new politicians have a mandate to stop the policies of the party in power.
I hope that I have proven myself to be a conservative interested in argumentation. Please challenge further otherwise."
------------
This is better, but still elevates advocacy over argument in some fairly obvious ways. First there is the imagery of "millions of American voters" joining you in your opinion. Surely that phrase was chosen only for its imagery. You and I both know that there are equal or greater millions of such people who believe Obama's proposals would benefit the economy.
Second is the alteration of language. My argument was premised on what most Democrats "believe," you chose to address what Democrats "pretend" to believe.
Third is the lack of evenhandeness in assigning burdens of proof. You count as a strike against me that I cannot "prove" that Republicans are motivated to deadlock by electoral concerns. But we are both arguing motive. You cannot "prove" that core convictions are the motivating force.
As for the evidence: In February 2008, 165 of 198 House Republicans supported President Bush's economic stimulus package. (http://clerk.house.gov/evs/2008/roll042.xml). That package included $42 billion in direct federal spending. (http://www.cbo.gov/ftpdocs/89xx/doc8973/hr5140pgo.pdf). How many of the current House Republicans were part of that 165? 113 (approximately) including John Boehner, Eric Cantor and Paul Ryan. (http://www.americanprogressaction.org/issues/2011/08/republicans_stimulus.html). What does this prove? That Republicans, specifically these current House Republicans, have not "always" resisted federal spending to boost the economy. Of course, you have already set yourself up rhetorically to deal with evidence such as this. You can simply say that Obama's proposals are not the same "kind" of federal spending that 165 House Republicans voted for in 2008.
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